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The
Warlords New Weapon: Satellite TV in Afghanistan
By Ahmed Muwaffaq
Zaidan
Afghans,
hungry for television after long being deprived of it in any
shape or form, are now watching again. Following the 2001 fall
of the Taliban, who did away with the transmission and watching
of television as well as any form of video media in the name
of suppressing what they called "mediocre Indian films"
(which have now returned to the market in large quantities),
local satellite channels attached to Afghanistan's war lords
have sprung up to reinforce the latter's outreach and their
popularity with the Afghan street.
Sources
close to the Uzbek militia led by General Abd al-Rashid Dostom
claim that the latter last month launched an Uzbek-language
satellite named Ayna ("Mirror"), with a signal that
can be received in the three northern Afghan provinces where
Uzbek is spoken, all of which neighbor the Republic of Uzbekistan.
It appears
that the Afghan warlords, after finding themselves under attack
at the local, regional, and international levels, have grasped
that the best means to improve their image and reputation, which
has suffered badly from the charge laid against them by a large
portion of the Afghan people of responsibility for the damage,
destruction, and anarchy that have afflicted the country, lies
in having at their disposal the most important item in the hearts-and-minds
trade, namely a satellite channel.
Previously,
all Afghan provinces were under the sway of the terrestrial
and satellite channels of neighboring countries. Northern Afghanistan,
for example, was dominated by Uzbek and Tajik televisions, the
southwestern provinces came under the influence of Iranian TV,
and the Pashto-speaking provinces of the south-east under that
of the Pakistani television stations. A number of sociologists
and psychologists have warned of the negative influence of this
state of affairs on the building of a united Afghanistan, believing
that, given television's impact, it may lead to the creation
of a multiplicity of Afghanistans.
The situation
persists, however, given that in each Afghan province there
is a local television or radio station whose policies and programs
are planned without regard for the policies of the central government
and, it may be, of the national interest. This signals dangerous
implications for Afghanistan's future generations.
The launching
of an Afghan Uzbek television station was accompanied by that
of an FM radio in the same area, owned by a private company
and funded with American money. Some believe that the wave of
local satellite TV and radio stations may encourage other warlords
to enter the field of media competition in the battle for hearts
and minds, an area of concern to the warlords given the popular
demand that they be put on trial or deprived of their weapons
and authority.
Media
observers believe that Afghanistan's widespread illiteracy will
provide a fertile soil for the expansion of satellite channels
as against print media. On the other hand, the absence of electricity
in many cities and towns will form a fundamental barrier to
the spread of satellite as well as terrestrial stations, leaving
radio as the determining factor in the provision of news and
the formation of Afghan public opinion, underlining the fact
that the re-construction of Afghanistan is a complex process
requiring prioritization.
Pakistani
media officials have spoken recently of a plan to set up a local
Pakistani company to launch a satellite channel in Pashto, the
language spoken by the majority of Afghans and a large number
of Pakistanis.
Some sociologists
fear that the existence of such satellites will lead to the
deepening of sectarian and ethnic divisions among the Afghan
people, especially given that each satellite channel has resorted
to using a different language an addressing itself to a different
community or minority. The absence of a clear media policy on
the part of the central government is an additional worrying
feature when taken in combination with the continued reluctance
of the regions to accept central authority.
The game
being played with satellite and terrestrial television stations
has regional implications too, and may have a role in the historical
rivalry between Pakistan and India over Afghanistan, as Islamabad
is concerned lest India interfere in the development of the
satellites, especially given the historic domination of Afghan
media by the Indians dating back to the days of the former king
of Afghanistan, Zahir Shah (ruled 1933 to 1973). This may lie
behind the Pakistani-government inspired plan to have Pakistani
businessmen launch a Pashto satellite to serve Pashtuns in both
Afghanistan and Pakistan, thus strengthening Pakistan's influence
and presence in Afghanistan following the decline of its military
influence. It should also be remembered that most local Pashto-language
newspapers are published in Pakistan and are distributed in
parts of Afghanistan close to the borders. These newspapers
also play a not insignificant role in the molding and shaping
of Afghan public opinion. TBS
Ahmad
Muwaffaq Zaidan is head of Al Jazeera's Pakistan bureau and
holds a doctorate in Media and Future Studies. Among his publications
(in Arabic) are "The Return of the Black Flags" and
"Bin Ladin Without a Mask." The
article was translated by Humphrey Davies.
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