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Egyptian Media Waxes and
Wanes in Its Attacks Against Al-Jazeera
by S. Abdallah Schleifer,
TBS publisher and senior editor
CAIRO: When some of Al-Jazeera's
commentators and talk show guests from Islamist and other Arab radical ranks criticized
the Sharm al-Sheikh summit hosted by Egypt's President Hosni Mubarak as a failure,
or worse, as "a shameful betrayal of the Palestinians" and their Intifada
al-Aqsa, the honeymoon that had begun last April (when Al-Jazeera signed up as
Egypt's first customer pledged to use facilities and build studios in Egypt's
new Media Free Zone) disappeared in a dust storm of vituperation.
Then when the emergency
Arab summit failed to take sterner measures against Israel and the United States
than expected, and again some of Al-Jazeera's commentators and talk show guests
blamed this too on President Mubarak's Sharm al-Sheikh summit, the fury continued.
That fury reached its height when Al-Jazeera crews in the West Bank and Gaza (who
previously had been applauded in Egyptian media for their field unit's up-front
and dangerously personal coverage of daily clashes between Israeli troops and
Palestinians) provided footage of angry Palestinians burning Egyptian flags to
protest against Sharm and the Arab summit.
But it wasn't the individual
commentators or individual guests (some of Al-Jazeera's guests have defended Egypt
and the perspective of the other moderate Arab states who moved cautiously on
this issue) who were condemned but the channel as a whole. It was a "fifth column
operation," "in the pay of foreigners," a "disseminator of Zionist poison" (no
doubt a reference to Al-Jazeera interviewing Israelis and having Israelis as guests
on talk shows) and "in the service of Mosad" (Israeli intelligence).
Along with the attacks
came a threat on October 26th from Minister of Information Safwat al-Sharif, angered
by what he perceived as one-sided coverage of Egypt's role towards the Intifada
al-Aqsa, to close down Al-Jazeera facilities in Cairo. But the minister reconsidered,
no doubt because on second thought he realized how such a reaction would destroy
the credibility of Egypt's Media Free Zone (with its promise of no political censorship)
in the eyes of potential foreign clients, Arab or non-Arab. And Egyptian commentators
at Al-Ahram (the largest and most influential of the semi-official Egyptian newspapers)
who are committed to liberalization and some form of privatization of the media
turned their pens against the campaign.
Salama Ahmed Salama, former
managing editor of Al-Ahram and now a highly respected columnist, declared his
opposition to the press frenzy. He was quoted in the English-language Al-Ahram
Weekly as saying: "Al-Jazeera threw a stone in the stagnant waters of the official
and traditional media, regardless of whether those who attack them like it or
not." Salama acknowledged that some of the talk shows and commentators were biased
against Egypt, but he insisted that "Egyptians are over-sensitive and don't like
criticism." The problem is, according to Salama, that Egyptian media are not capable
of responding to criticism with rational argument and can only respond with insults.
Indeed, the issue was
pride, not policy, since Al-Jazeera (aside from the tempting tendency to sensationalism)
has no policy, and its "anything goes" talk shows and interviews certainly do
not reflect Qatari policy. Islamists denounce Arab cooperation with Israel on
Al-Jazeera, while Qatar not only allowed Israel to operate a trade mission with
Qatar but also welcomed Israeli representation in a regional economic cooperation
conference that it hosted. Nor has Cairo's minister of information and the local
and largely state-owned media launched any equivalent campaign against Al-Manar,
the broadcasting arm of Hezbollah, which takes a formal channel position in support
of Palestinian armed struggle and which is transmitted through the region by the
Cairo-based Nilesat, in which Egypt TV is a major shareholder.
But in all the debate
for and against Al-Jazeeraa debate that waxes and wanes depending on how
Egypt is perceived as responding to the crisis by its radical criticswhat
has been lost in the discussion is the fact that the Arab world, and the role
of media within that Arab world, is being transformed by independent television
coverage of the Intifada al-Aqsalargely by Al-Jazeera (because it is a 24-hour
news and public affairs channel) but not exclusively. MBC and the private Lebanese
stations, as well as APTN's tailored Arabic-language news agency service, have
dramatically "changed the media landscape" according to the Palestinian journalist
and media critic Daoud Kuttab. "Al-Jazeera has been for this Intifada what CNN
was for the Gulf War."
Several Western journalists
have taken note of this shift in the Arab media environment over the past few
years that has occurred because of Arab satellite broadcasting in general and
Al-Jazeera in particular, and it was John Kifner, writing for the New York Times
Service (Intl Herald Tribune, Nov. 20, 2000) who quoted Kuttub's analogy to CNN
and the Gulf War. Earlier Washington Post correspondent Howard Schneider had noted
(November 7, 2000) how "the saturation coverage provided by Al-Jazeera and other
Arabic-language channels, and even new Arabic Internet sites, helped create a
regional movement out of what began as a local protest in Jerusalem."
Which suggests still another
analogy, that the Infitada al-Aqsa is the Arab world's first television war, much
as Vietnam was America's, and there is no predicting where that can or will lead.
Last February, Daoud Kuttab, the same Palestinian journalist who was quoted by
Kifner and who commutes between Jerusalem and Amman, reported in The Jordan Times
on a conference held at Columbia University on "New Channels in the Middle East"
in which both Israeli and Arab broadcasters participated. And he mentioned the
surprise, if not shock, on the part of the Israelis to see examples of the new
talk shows that have flourished on the independent satellite channels. Kuttab
ended his report last February with these words, written at a time of relative
optimism in Washington around the Washington-shepherded peace process (and they
still hold true, both because of and despite recent events):
"There is no doubt that
the opening of the Arab world is an irreversible process. How much this change
will affect the Arab-Israeli conflict remains to be seen. Israelis attending the
conference were surprised at the size and depth of change taking place in the
Arab world. But will the Israeli public and government warm up to Arabs as a result
of this, and will this improve the chances of a just peace in the region? These
remain open questions." TBS
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