No. 5, Fall/Winter2000

Special Issue:
The Arab World

continued: "Transnational Television and Asymmetrical Interdependence in the Arab World: The Growing Influence of the Lebanese Satellite Broadcasters" by Marwan M. Kraidy
page 2 of 2 / page 1

While regional behemoths like Egypt and Saudi Arabia retain a dominant presence, partly because of their ownership of satellite technology, and because of Egypt's traditional strength in the media and Saudi Arabia's financial resources, smaller countries are playing an increasingly important role. Syria, for instance, has become one of leaders in dramatic productions, while Qatar's Al-Jazeera has been dubbed the "Arab CNN." Transnational broadcasting and the Internet have challenged information control by Arab states in a way that was not imaginable only a decade ago. It has also forced Arab states to reconsider bilateral relations among each other. Besides, transnational Arab broadcasting holds the promise of integrating Arab nations in a cultural regionalism that could give the Arab world a strong and distinct presence in global intellectual and popular culture.

However, challenges remain, the most important of which is for smaller Arab countries to maintain their presence on the region's airwaves and screens. Here, Lebanon is a case in point. Before the war, many Lebanese newspapers distributed more outside than inside Lebanon. Even with the knowledge that many of these newspapers were bankrolled by embassies, Arab countries would often ban or seize Lebanese newspapers in unstable times. With its political pluralism and its openness to political dissidents from across the Arab world, the Lebanese system was feared by some authoritarian governments.(4) Today's Arab world is in some ways very different from what it was a few decades ago, as a new generation of leaders takes the reigns of power. Still, some fear that Lebanese influence in matters of politics and culture needs to be filtered.

In the 1990s, for instance, Lebanese television stations, including LBCI, produced a variety of socio-political talk shows which became wildly popular with Lebanese audiences. These shows tackled many issues that are considered taboo in the Arab world, many of which were social issues such as premarital sex, incest, and homosexuality. Other episodes had decidedly political themes, such as the benefits of representative democracy, civil rights, women's liberation, religion and atheism, freedom of speech and others.(5) Many of these shows were not broadcast via satellite, and therefore did not reach a vast pan-Arab audience. But the point remains that some of the issues discussed in these shows were lightening rods for the Arab world, where representative democracy is still largely absent, human rights are still not fully protected, and religious leaders play an important socio-political role. In other words, transnational satellite programming from one of the Arab world's smallest nation-states could have important implications for the societies of much larger Arab countries.

Even in the post-war era when the political landscape in Lebanon is ruled by one dominant discourse, and even with the great influence that Syria has on Lebanese politics (5), the Lebanese parliamentary elections in September 2000 showed, one more time, an unpredictable and independent streak that some Lebanese politicians and journalists have. For the longest time, Syrian-Lebanese relations were considered a taboo issue, one of two red lines for the Lebanese press, the other being President Emile Lahoud. During 2000, An-Nahar's publisher, Gebran Tueni, wrote a strongly worded editorial calling for a re-evaluation of bilateral relations between Lebanon and Syria, advocating a more equal partnership. The echo of this editorial suddenly became a thundering noise during the electoral campaign in August and September, when Lebanese politicians of all affiliations began calling for re-evaluation of Lebanese-Syrian relations, with the Lebanese media covering these developments very closely.

The last salvo was fired in late September by the Maronite Patriarch Nasrallah Sfeir, who made scathing comments and asked Syria to withdraw its troops from Lebanon, during an interview with the BBC. Relayed on BBC radio and heard throughout the Arab world, the patriarch's remarks elicited a strong response from the Syrian information minister, who criticized those opposed to Syria's presence in Lebanon. In addition to the BBC, Lebanese stations such as LBCI covered the story closely, which led to a power struggle within the station to control news about bilateral relations between Lebanon and Syria.(6)

Although Syria's influence on Lebanese affairs remains considerable, the media sector offers an exception, and illustrates how the concept of asymmetrical interdependence can actually be applied in the Arab world. On September 29, 2000, Lebanon and Syria signed a comprehensive media and information agreement. The text of the agreement stipulates collaboration in production procedures, technological expertise, and between press agencies. It also calls for intensified exchanges in film and television programs and a coordination of "exterior information," as in Arab and international conferences and festivals.(7) While some people fear that the agreement provides a framework for increased Syrian influence over Lebanese affairs, early indications point to the contrary, since Lebanon's media sector is much more developed than Syria's. As the Syrian Arab Advertising Association, Syria's trade group, attempts to reform and revitalize the weak national advertising sector, the Lebanese advertising industry is poised to play a leading role in that reform.(8) As mutual influence grows in both directions, "asymmetrical interdependence" reflects bilateral media relations better than "dependency" or "dominance." Lebanon's transnational media activities are also set to get a boost with plans for a Technology Valley to be built in the Bekaa, since the project is said to have the support of President Emile Lahoud, and of Rafik al-Hariri, who, after a strong showing in the September 2000 parliamentary elections and his appointment as prime minister, will be highly influential in the direction of Lebanese transnational broadcasting.

This story demonstrates the power of transnational media to expose political discourse by taking it public on the airwaves. This is not to be underestimated, even though a variety of legal and less legal control mechanisms still exist on Arab media. The situation in the Arab world can be described as one of "asymmetrical interdependence," since the larger countries can no longer dominate smaller ones completely, as these smaller countries carry their political discourse beyond their borders via transnational broadcasting. Al-Hariri's re-emergence is bound to polarize Lebanese political, business, and media circles, as most people either have unabashedly rejoiced or unequivocally lamented his reappointment as prime minister. His dual status as both player (as a media tycoon) and referee (as prime minister) continues to raise eyebrows in the industry. Also, al-Hariri's appointment of Ghazi Aridi, not a very well-known figure, as minister of information has left many wondering about the direction of the activities of the ministry at a time when a draft of an advertising law text is circulating among legislators and media people. With the recent violence between Palestinians and Israelis and Lebanon's looming economic recession, the Lebanese government will most probably play a delicate balancing act, keeping a vigilant eye on satellite broadcasters in an attempt to control Lebanon's image in the Arab world. TBS

Marwan M. Kraidy is Director of Graduate Studies and Assistant Professor of International Communication in the School of Communication at the University of North Dakota. His publications have appeared in previous issues of Transnational Broadcasting Studies and other publications such as Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media, Journalism and Mass Comunication Quarterly, and Critical Studies in Mass Communication. He is the winner of several awards, including the 1998 Ralph Cooley Award for outstanding research in international and intercultural communication, and the 2000 Prosser/Sitaram Award of Excellence in international communication theory. His research interests include cultural globalization, transnationalism, and media and culture in the Middle East. He can be reached at marwan_kraidy@und.nodak.edu

(1) Abu-Laban, B. (1966). Factors in social control of the press in Lebanon. Journalism Quarterly, 43, 510-518.
(2) See Boyd, D. (1999). Broadcasting in the Arab World. Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University Press; Kraidy, M. M. (1998). Broadcasting Regulation and Civil Society in Postwar Lebanon. Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media, 42(3), 387-400; Kraidy, M. M. (1999b). The Local, the Global, and the Hybrid: A Native Ethnography of Glocalization. Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 16(4), 456-477; and Rugh, W. (1987). The Arab Press. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press.
(3) Straubhaar, J. (1991). Beyond Cultural Imperialism: Asymmetrical Interdependence and Cultural Proximity. Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 8 (1), 39-59.
(4) Kraidy, M. M. (2000). Television and Civic Discourse in Postwar Lebanon, in H. Amin and L. Gher, (eds). Civic Discourse and Digital Age Communications in the Middle East (pp. 3-18). Stamford, Connecticut: Ablex.
(5) Kraidy, M. M. (1999a). State Control of Television News in 1990s Lebanon. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, 76 (3), 485-498.
(6) Darrous, S. (2000, October 2). Storm swirls around LBCI as Franjieh turns screws to bring station to heel. The Daily Star. Available http://www.dailystar.com.lb/ 02_10_00/art2.htm
(7) Coopération libano-syrienne au niveau de l'information. (2000, September 30). L'Orient-Le Jour. Available at http://aujourdhui/politique/politique.htm
(8) Moubayed, S. (2000, October 2). Syria takes a long hard look at "primitive" advertising market. The Daily Star. Available http://business /02_10_00_a.htm